Thursday, September 17, 2015

In praise of treason

For the past fifteen years, I have been reading and interpreting thousands of pages of information to help me understand how and why human beings initially decide to adopt and to identify with some particular system of belief, such as a religion (a religious ideology) or a political point of view (a secular ideology). I have also focused on why many people then suffer from the inevitable disillusionment and despondency that takes place as soon as they discover that every “truth” in which they so fervently believed was in fact nothing but heteronomous hypocrisy. In the course of that effort, I published three books (“Taking the Lying out of Living”, “Universal Skepticism”, and “Billions of Big Babies”) as well as several articles on this subject, before starting this blog dedicated to the same goal, that I prefaced with a section outlining some of my own unpleasant ideological experiences.

This time out, I want to continue describing how my most recent readings on this emotionally difficult subject have influenced my own understanding of it. For example, in  a French social-science magazine, I read a report on the findings of a psychological experiment carried out by British and Canadian researchers, Julia Shaw and Stephen Porter, that they initially described in a recent issue of “Psychological Science”. Those researchers discovered just how easy it was to convince dozens of students to construct “rich false memories” of committing a crime in their childhood that they did not in fact commit. This kind of research helps criminologists explain why all over the world, thousands of people over the years have confessed to committing crimes (including murder) for which they were in fact innocent, and not just because they were mentally browbeaten beforehand by overzealous detectives. It turns out that it often does not take very much psychological manipulation to get people to invent “memories” of their own “misdeeds”.

This reminded me very much of the famous Stanley Milgram experiment from the 1960s in which a large number of other people were just as easily induced by researchers to believe that they were justified in physically harming volunteers by mindlessly following orders given to them by a person playing the role of a psychological expert. (No one was actually hurt.) That American experiment was originally designed to bolster a theory about the influence of authority figures to explain ordinary German participation in the Holocaust, but it has also been replicated over and over again by other researchers in dozens of different cultures.

Those two experiments did not have the same methodology nor the same purpose (quite the opposite in fact), and by themselves do not constitute sufficient scientific proof about the origins or the development of psychological manipulation. Nevertheless, the findings of those researchers fit in quite well with all the other information that I collated and interpreted in my previous writings about how ideologies work in the real world. It seems to me that psychological manipulation of individual weaknesses is central to understanding how people come to identify with particular religious or secular points of view, losing all or part of their capacity to think rationally in the process.

I have also discovered that the nature of the ideology involved has no effect on the “brainwashing” procedure by which people come to believe completely in any necessarily limited point of view, nor in how many of them come to reject it later on. All kinds of points of view affect people in similar ways, whether they be religious beliefs (moderate or fundamentalist), or political beliefs (mainstream or extremist). They include all the different kinds of religions that exist, or ever existed, in human history, as well as all the different kinds of secular ideologies, along with every associated sect, branch, permutation and combination, whether they be normally accepted as legitimate by a majority of believers, or relegated instead to the outer fringes of society.

Even certain sciences are still dominated by highly prejudiced, pseudo-scientific people who substitute narrow ideology for the scientific method. One of the better-known current examples is the practice of mainstream economics, where under the influence of big business, neoliberal (laissez-faire) ideology is still considered by a majority of economists to be synonymous with scientific procedure in that field.

Even people who decide to believe in absolutely nothing at all, either because they claim to be completely scientific in their approach, or because they claim to be totally pragmatic instead, are usually individual believers in scientism or pragmatism instead. It seems that the human brain functions exclusively by metaphor, or association of multiple phenomena that are often mistakenly judged to be quite similar, or very different, by a particular brain composed of individual thought patterns and experiences. As a result, all humans construct their own specific interpretations of reality, almost always under the overwhelming influence of authority figures from the society that surrounds them, and are congenitally incapable of grasping what science-fiction writer Douglas Adams used to call the “total perspective vortex”.

Over centuries of social history, these metaphors coalesce into rival systems of belief, in which egotistical manipulators who desperately want to win friends and influence people regularly claim that they have developed a new explanation for everything, that outclasses and replaces (or should outclass or replace) every other system. Given the inherent incapacity of any particular system of belief to really cover everything that currently exists, and to anticipate everything else that may soon come into being, believers are obliged to fill in the gaps between ideology and reality by creating “false memories” of things that never existed, or ever will exist, in the real (monist) world.

In this manner, super-heroes are turned into polytheist gods, who are often then fused into one all-powerful Father-figure, while rival emperors simultaneously claim to have received competing mandates from heaven. Later on, multi-billion-dollar voting systems are invented to substitute corrupted representatives for everyday citizen participation in collective decision-making. (Not that such citizen participation would be easy to organize, nor necessarily result in better outcomes every time.) In the meantime, the extremely rich investors who control “our” elected representatives run around all over the place claiming to be the ultimate do-gooders, by “creating wealth” for everyone and not just for themselves.

An excellent example of how people try to project such wishful thinking onto the real world comes from sociologist Max Weber’s thesis about Protestantism and capitalism, that was originally conceived during the early part of the twentieth century. That thesis still has considerable intellectual resonance a century later, well-known philosopher Mark Alizart even contending that it helps to explain the religious connotations of today’s pop culture. Weber managed to combine modern developments in both the Christian religion and secular investment into one highly influential account about how the Protestant ethic was linked to the rise of modern capitalism.

According to him, the sixteenth-century preacher Jean Calvin inspired a huge increase in capital accumulation during the Reformation with his theory of predestination. Calvin contended that at the very beginning of the universe the Christian god made an arbitrary, a-priori decision, anticipating everything that every future human being would ever do from Creation all the way to Armageddon. For Calvin himself, predestination buttressed the Protestant desire to substitute faith alone for the good works that the Catholics had been insisting on until then as being the best way to get on good terms with the Supreme Being, and thus end up living with him in paradise for all eternity.

In Weber’s theory, ambitious Calvinists then came up with the Protestant ethic, exploiting everyone around them and saving every penny so as to make a lot of money.  Their material success was somehow deemed by them to be “proof” of divine election to paradise of their own worthy selves. Weber’s thesis has often been criticized, not so much by those wanting to deny any ideological link between Christianity and capitalism, as for the considerably more interesting fact that in many parts of the world, Catholics participated in capital accumulation every bit as much as Protestants did.

Predestination has also been linked by other historians to nineteenth-century social-Darwinism, supposedly justifying not only huge income and life-style divisions between the social classes, but also legitimizing Western colonialism and racism. According to this extension of Calvinist theory, the rich are rich and the poor are poor because God decided at the outset (Genesis) that things should be that way forever, just like he also decided that white people have always deserved to dominate “people of color”. For such neo-Calvinist and/or social-Darwinist ideologues, any attempt to change that situation, such as by setting up the welfare state or by promoting racial equality, therefore becomes blasphemy in the eyes of the Lord.

In reality, however, it is the very attempt to justify material success or racial domination by using predestination that is genuinely blasphemous in this case. If it is true that a Heavenly Father really exists and that he committed himself to predestination at the beginning of time, then any attempt to fix things so that God’s decision would not be truly arbitrary and a-priori is inherently blasphemous. It indicates that those who organize their own lives for material success, as a way of gaining divine election to paradise, are in fact the real traitors to their chosen religion. There is no way that individualist or corporate attempts to make a lot of money at other people’s expense, or to impose capitalist imperialism on the rest of the world, would interfere with God’s original plan any less than collectivist interventions promoting social equality would also interfere with that same plan. If we look at things from a presumed God’s perfectly unprejudiced, non-ideological point of view, private enterprise is in no way preferable to government intervention.

Likewise, so far as today’s neoliberalism (free trade, laissez-faire, deregulation, globalization, international tax evasion, speculative investment) is concerned, the overall effect on society is not at all positive, as implied in the big-business slogan “consumer democracy”, but instead decidedly negative. Just before the onslaught of neoliberalism, during the “thirty glorious years” of 1945-1975, in the Western world but not at all in the Third World, democracy was somewhat less class-conscious than it has become nowadays. In those days, in that relatively small part of the world, the gap between the rich and the poor was declining instead of increasing, taxes on huge fortunes were much higher, free trade was largely ignored and social security was becoming stronger every day rather than weaker.

Democracy, in the sense of being rule by the majority of the population rather than rule by a very small part of it, only works at all when rich people find it difficult to control everything that moves. In today’s libertarian world, considerably less divided into distinct regions than before, only about one percent of one percent (one-ten-thousandth) of the total population is really involved in any serious decision-making. Propaganda aside, the vast majority of the population (poor and middle-class people), in every country, are not benefiting at all from the current situation. Most of the Western countries today are also not as democratic as they were for a time, just before the hegemonic onset of neoliberalism. On the other hand, some of the former Third World countries are somewhat more democratic than they used be in their often totalitarian past, but not nearly enough on a world scale to offset the decline in democracy in the West.

In this sense, so far as collective decision-making is concerned, genuine democracy and genuine communism are synonyms. By that, of course, I do not refer to the disgusting party-bureaucrat dictatorships that stood in for “communism” in the USSR (1922-1991) or in any of the so-called “people’s democracies”. At best, those state-capitalist governments only became more or less adept at using economic nationalism to prevent multinational control of their countries by immensely wealthy private capitalists. In other words, they managed for awhile to separate their part of the world from private control, at least partially freezing out the big owners of ultra-large business establishments operating from within the horribly misnamed “free world”.

In fact, genuine communism, like genuine democracy, has never existed anywhere in the real world, because the huge, ongoing gap between the social classes makes real freedom impossible for most people, even when that gap is declining slightly, albeit on a temporary, regional basis. So far as genuine rule by the majority of the people is concerned, it makes no difference whatever whether or not most people’s lives are run by private bureaucracies or by public ones, so long as all those different kinds of bureaucrats are working on behalf of ultra-rich, ultra-powerful, private and/or state-capitalist investors. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) is one of the world’s best (or worst) examples of a country that has never been run by the majority of the people, before or since the death of Chairman Mao. The same lack of democracy also applies to countries like Canada or the USA, where private bureaucrats outnumber public bureaucrats a thousand to one, even at the best of times.

As for the centuries-old debate between economic nationalism and economic liberalism, often contracted into a debate between protectionism and free trade, unrestrained competition (the infamous “level playing field”) is really a form of protectionism for the strongest players. For the past two hundred years, emerging nations have been using the infant-industry argument to support protectionism for the weakest countries instead, but even then it was only designed to benefit local manufacturers. In those countries, the much larger social class of newly-created industrial workers are, or were, not often better treated by national bosses than by multinational ones.

Back in the early-modern period of history, the emerging nation-state absorbed opposing regions, often run beforehand by feudal lords (or warlords), into a national entity dominated by the rulers of a dominant region. This process, begun in Europe, gradually spread to the rest of the world over the past several centuries. Nowadays, however, laissez-faire globalization is going one step further, by making all the smaller nation-states gradually disappear, as in the European Union, if they are not big enough to withstand the power of today’s dominant “regions”, such as the USA, the PRC or the Federal Republic of Germany. Free trade and laissez-faire inevitably create or reinforce a pyramidal effect on society, that has recently resulted in a significant, overall social decline in liberty, equality, fraternity, solidarity and prosperity for everyone, not just for the privileged few.

One interesting example of all this took place recently in Canada, when the “separatist” movement in the province of Quebec tried to buck the trend toward ever-larger political entities by turning the province into a more or less independent nation-state. The often-elected Parti Québécois (PQ) started out as a sort of left-center-right, ideological coalition favoring political sovereignty for Quebec while still naively striving to maintain an economic association with English Canada. It twice (1980 and 1995) tried to get the majority of Quebec voters to go along with that proposition, and almost succeeded the second time around. However, its already ambiguous half-way position between independence and federalism was weakened a lot more after the first referendum defeat when the party leadership decided to support free trade and neoliberalism in general.

That curious strategy, aimed at saving Quebec from Canadian imperialism by allying it with American and European imperialism instead, ruined any chance Quebec may have had back then of uniting the entire province around political and economic nationalism. People cannot be persuaded to make the tremendous effort necessary to create a new nation-state when it becomes obvious to everyone that nothing substantial distinguishes the pro-independence platform from that of its steadfastly anti-independence rivals, except a largely symbolic desire to add a new flag to those flying outside the United Nations building in New York.

At the federal level of government, the various Conservative Party regimes, favoring asymmetrical federalism but also theoretically based on unflinching support for free trade and neoliberalism all over the world, soon made sure that the PQ strategy would become a total disaster for Quebec independence. The Conservative-PQ alliance against the highly corrupt, federal Liberal Party, which favored centralized federalism, largely succeeded in marginalizing that party’s previously interventionist governments. However, the end result for Quebec was to break up the PQ’s initial coalition for partial sovereignty and to make any future bid for real independence much more difficult.

A somewhat similar kind of dynamic, but on a much larger scale, also affected another kind of geographically-based ideology, that of native peoples liberation from their own foreign oppressors. Throughout the Americas, but also in Australasia, the violent and prolonged takeover of aboriginal lands by European immigrants, later joined by millions of African and Asiatic populations, took place in every colony in which the settlers eventually came to outnumber the original populations. Diseases imported from the Old World eliminated millions of natives, and millions more were deliberately eliminated through slavery, organized starvation and other such “successful” attempts at regional genocide.

As a result, the remaining native peoples were only left with very small parcels of territory scattered over very large regions, in a process replicated several centuries later in several more recent invasions in other parts of the world, such as the ever-expanding Israeli occupation of Palestinian territory. For aboriginals in Canada and the USA, the cultural imperialism of residential (boarding) schools, in which native children were taken away from their communities in order to “civilize” them, started in the nineteenth century, like many similar attempts at native assimilation in other settler countries, but only ended about twenty years ago.

Unfortunately for some recent native attempts to turn a losing situation into a winning one, however, the anti-racist liberation movement has often indulged in reverse racism instead, attempting to solve native problems at “outsiders” expense. To be sure, acting in this way is not inherently native or aboriginal, the original invaders of native territory having previously used military oppression of colonial territory as a way of dealing with a relative decline in the rate of profit back in Europe, as well as with the problem of overpopulation in many of their homelands.

Nevertheless, in a process of reverse discrimination some native groups in the former settler colonies have recently succeeded in taking back small portions of real estate from outsider control. In so doing, however, they used the same kind of violence and intimidation that the invaders had used originally, although on a much smaller scale. Similar confrontations (also used by many other protest movements) have also involved blockades of roads, railroads and other methods of transportation, aimed at harming the entire non-native population rather than directing popular rage against the people in power (politicians and business executives). Other forms of reprehensible behavior, often occurring simultaneously across both native and non-native communities, include drug trafficking, international tax evasion, organized crime, ultra-macho wife-beating, murder and mistreatment of women and children, and community expulsion of women who marry outsiders.

This last kind of unacceptable behavior is particularly galling, given the fact that none of the native communities (or any other human communities anywhere else) are racially “pure”. Since the different aboriginal ethnic groups started interacting with outside invaders several centuries ago, any kind of purely biological “nativeness” has long disappeared. Even during the precolonial period, millions of captives of multiple ethnic origins were incorporated into warring tribes over and over again. Scientists nowadays are even positing the possibility that not all the original native populations even came from the same parts of the Old World, as was originally thought. Not to mention the fact that ever since aboriginal origins became less stigmatizing, following a decline in the most virulent kinds of outsider racism during the 1970s, even the number of people claiming to be native has increased dramatically. So trying to impose racial “unity” nowadays is especially abhorrent.

With native liberation ideology, the problem is not the fact that some native people often behave in the same reprehensible ways that some non-native people do, which is to be expected in any non-racist vision of the world. Racism, after all, not only includes rotten attitudes and behavior toward oppressed peoples, it also includes complicit condoning of rotten attitudes and behavior within those same communities. The problem here is that some native and pro-native ideologues often excuse such reverse-racism by blaming most of it on reaction to oppression of natives by outsiders. But as in dozens of other horrific cases all over the world, victimization of one group of people, even over a long period of time, is not a sufficient excuse for condoning or belittling reverse discrimination.

Nor is it a viable excuse for instituting a similarly oppressive pecking order inside local communities, in which the stronger members of the community mistreat the weaker members, in imitation or emulation of outside oppressors. In the case of men mistreating women and children, native communities may not just be imitating settler behavior, imported from the Old World, but may also be carrying on their own local “traditions” left over from the precolonial period. Unfortunately, almost every religion and ideology in the world has deliberately included mistreatment of women among its inherent characteristics, even in the relatively less sexist Iroquois communities. Once again, however, this kind of rotten behavior has also been condoned by the true believers in every other human system of belief. Even a large proportion of the people practicing such left-wing ideologies as anarchism and communism, that are theoretically supposed to be based on opposition to all forms of oppression, are still incredibly sexist.

But it would be another form of cultural imperialism to ignore an attempt at comparative evaluation when discussing native liberation ideology. In this case, it can certainly be shown that the outsiders (mostly of European origin) have done a lot more harm to native peoples over the centuries, even very recently, than native peoples have managed to harm the outsiders in return. But approximate quantitative evaluations like that one still do not make more palatable rotten native behavior toward outsiders, or towards each other inside native communities.

Nevertheless, it would be totally unfair to compare the two situations as if they were in any way quantitatively equivalent, the numbers of victims involved being much higher during the settler invasions. Even today, in spite of official propaganda campaigns focusing on tolerance, those invasions have never really ceased. One recent example is the exemplary role that many native communities have been forced to play in resisting the unbridled expansionism of extractor corporations in the mining and fossil-fuel industries.

A similar type of analysis can also be applied to the well-known example of the former white-racist regime in South Africa, of Calvinist origin, with its disgusting treatment of “people of color”, particularly during the apartheid period (1948-1991). Since it came to power in 1994, however, the African National Congress government seems to have done its utmost, not so much as to mistreat South Africans of European or Asian origin, following Nelson Mandela’s anti-racist rainbow concept, as to mistreat its own population in ways that recall the decades of apartheid. The new leaders and their clientele regime have set up a new ruling class, a kind of ultra-corrupt “Black bourgeoisie”, that treats the majority of the population almost as poorly as the Boer states used to do. The same observation can also be made about many other post-independence governments throughout Africa, not to mention those in Asia and Latin America, as compared with the even more disgusting colonial or settler governments that preceded them.

Another horrible example of this kind of effect is the very disturbing treatment meted out to multiple minorities in the USA, which includes not only the native peoples but also the African-American population. In that country, any person with at least one percent of African blood (such as the current president) is officially considered to be black, even though practically all of those people are once again of mixed blood. Most of today’s “Black” population suffered through slavery before becoming second-class citizens ofter the Civil War, a socio-economic condition that has persisted in more recent times. Nowadays, unequal treatment even seems to be gathering atavistic momentum, gradually repudiating many of the political improvements made during the 1945-1975 period.

Unfortunately, as in the case of the native peoples, today’s African-American communities suffer from similar kinds of behavioral “emulation” of their white oppressors, with drug trafficking, organized crime, macho treatment of women and abandonment of children topping the list. Once again, however, any attempt at approximate quantification of that situation would necessarily arrive at the same conclusion: the “White” majority has committed many more crimes against the “Black” population than the Blacks have committed against the Whites, and most of the crimes that some Black people have committed over the years have also been directed against their own people.

As mentioned earlier, in a much different part of the world, the Israeli regime since 1948 and several political movements inside Israel have also mistreated the Palestinians and other neighboring peoples a lot more than those peoples have mistreated Israelis during that same period. Nevertheless, as in the previous examples, the Palestinian governments and political movements, and similar forces inside Israel’s other regional victim-states, have also mistreated their own populations quite a bit more than they have succeeded in mistreating the Israelis. The only way to do “justice” to everyone in this kind of discussion is to make sure that every single kind of oppression known to mankind be underlined and evaluated, quantitatively and qualitatively, as thoroughly as possible. No one’s guilt should be under-estimated, but neither should it be over-estimated, something that is never easy to do properly.

Religious examples of this kind of misguided ideological behavior are every bit as frequent as the secular examples analyzed above. I already referred to the curious “miscegenation” between Calvinism and capitalism earlier in this article. But every religion in the world always functions in the same absurd ways as does every political or social ideology. Not to mention the fact that the “deep beliefs” that religious people claim exclusively for themselves are not in reality any deeper than any equivalent secular beliefs, as in the Chinese fixation on the thoughts of Chairman Mao.

The way that I look at it, this is what happens over and over again with every system of belief: true believers are always saying that they are either carrying out God’s will, or closely following the mandate of heaven, or obeying the dictates of market forces (consumer democracy), or defending their own ancestral territory, or organizing society exclusively for the common good, or whatever other slogan that they may choose to propagate. But in reality, most of the time they are merely following the path of individual egoism and personal corruption, instead. The religion or the ideology involved becomes just an excuse or cover story to make totally inadequate behavior look legitimate in the media projection of reality.

Over fifty years ago, at age fourteen, I taught Sunday school during one summer to a group of young children, endlessly repeating the usual Bible stories that I had learned about myself just before that. A few years later, however, I decided to read the Christian Bible from one end to the other to find out for myself if what I had been teaching had any connection with the real world. I soon found out that the goody-goody-two-shoes version of Biblical events and modern parallels that I had been dishing out to my younger victims were in total contrast to what most Christian people really spent their time doing or supporting, such as during the incredibly violent Vietnam War (1957-1975). (Not that any of the other participants in that war were any less hypocritical.)

All over the world, ever since Christianity became a religion separate from Judaism, people calling themselves Christians have been adopting completely opposite points of view on all sorts of particular subjects, which makes one wonder what all of those self-proclaimed Christians really have (or had) in common. A recent example of this kind of thing was the clerk in Kentucky, Kim Davis, who went to jail for a few days rather than sign papers authorizing same-sex marriages, or even let anyone else in her office do so. She justified her stand by talking about same-sex marriages as a heaven or hell issue, and avowed that her love of Jesus Christ made it impossible for her to support such a presumed abomination of Christian teachings. In this case, as in many other such controversies involving monotheist religions, it turns out that belief in God is the ultimate conspiracy theory, since people are always trying to justify just about anything in this way.

The most obvious comment to be made about controversies like this one is that millions of Christians agree with Kim Davis’s point of view on this subject, but millions more of them do not. So what is the link between love of Jesus Christ and same-sex marriage? The short answer is that there is no such link; it turns out that no one really knows what a good Christian ought to do in this case, or in any other case. I have not researched the New Testament to see whether or not Jesus, considered to be the Messiah (“the Christ” in Greek), was reported to have said something that may or may not indicate what he would have done in similar circumstances.

But my main point here is that no one can be certain what the historical Jesus, if such a person ever really existed, would have thought about anything at all. No one had a tape or a video recorder around two thousand years ago, which means that everything he said or did not say is subject to interpretation. The gospels themselves were not written down until several decades, or even centuries, after his death, and contain conflicting accounts not only about his life, but also about his thoughts when he was alive, and even his presumed manner of dying.

The same point applies to everything else that is written down in the Judeo-Christian tradition’s favorite book (the Greek word for book is “Bible”), whether in the Jewish section (the Old Testament) or in the Christian section (the New Testament). Even the separate chapters, or little books, included in authorized versions of the compendium of texts making up the larger book, were not considered to be definitive choices until several centuries after the presumed death of Jesus. The bishops who voted to include, or exclude, any of the texts being proposed, during any particular Christian synod, did so for political or polemical purposes that had nothing to do with what Jesus may have thought about their decisions. Even nowadays, some people are still debating the inclusion of currently approved texts over what are now officially considered to be apocryphal texts.

Similarly, the various Jewish authors of the Old Testament, starting with the five first smaller books, collectively known as the Talmud, wrote down most of their stories centuries after the events that they were supposed to be describing took place. Not only that, they included in those accounts of supposedly Jewish events various myths (such as the great flood and the story of Noah’s Ark) that were borrowed from other Middle Eastern civilizations. Most notably from the Sumerian (or Akkadian) story of Gilgamesh, the first recorded book every published (and not the Bible, as everyone used to believe).

Their narratives about the prophet Moses and his leading the Jewish people out of Egyptian bondage and back to the promised land, or of the founding of the kingdoms of Israel and Judea, under such leaders as David and Solomon, also seem to have been invented, or at least made to seem much more important at the time than they really were. Modern archaeologists, including dozens of Israeli teams, have so far been unable to find any definitive proof of the very existence of those particular people and their kingdoms. This in a region in which archeological evidence (even when deliberate destruction of such evidence is taken into account) of all the other great civilizations of the same period still exist in magnificent abundance.

This makes it extremely difficult for anyone living since ancient times, or even since medieval times, to base any of his or her own thoughts and actions on anything that may or may not have been said or done back then. Not only in the Middle East, but also in any other parts of the world, including Europe, India, China, Japan, Ethiopia, Polynesia or the pre-Colombian Americas. It is just incredibly foolish to deliberately ignore the existence of every human being’s capacity for critical thinking, and to accept as given any necessarily limited interpretation of events in which the authors are proclaiming that their vision of the world is the only one that everyone ought to be supporting.

Contradictions abound in every such belief system, including such obvious examples as the state of Israel’s current claim to absolute geographical hegemony in all the lands that used to be ruled by Saul, David, Solomon, or any of their presumed successors prior to the Babylonian and/or Roman invasions. The ultra-orthodox movement in modern Judaism is also quick to point out that Israeli nationalism is anathema for the Jewish religion itself, since the state of Israel was not supposed to have been reconstructed before the coming of the “real”, Jewish Messiah. As a result, these people often show up in demonstrations in support of the Palestinians and do not agree with the Christians that Jesus was any kind of savior, and certainly not the son of the god of ancient Israel. Moreover, Israeli nationalism owes an immense debt for its continued existence to the “Christian Zionists”, particularly in the USA, who foolishly believe that it is some kind of harbinger for the second coming of Jesus Christ.

These are some of the reasons why I also enjoyed reading a recently published book about atheism (“Traité d’athéologie”), written by French philosopher Michel Onfray. He lambasted the three most important monotheist religions from a philosophical point of view, coming up with a number of fascinating arguments, many of which were new to me. His main focus was on how any true believer in Judaism, Christianity or Islam could not possibly support any of the characteristics of the modern European Enlightenment, specifically directed against such long-outdated concepts as absolute monarchy and religious totalitarianism.

I found his treatment of monotheism to be quite useful when I also read many parts of the Koran for the first time, rather than just those few excerpts that other authors I had consulted before had brought to their readers attention. I certainly had to agree with Onfray, for example, when he argued that the two or three sentences in that book in favor of tolerance, respect for others and the refusal to impose religious ideas by force, were completely overwhelmed by hundreds of other sentences promoting entirely opposite attitudes instead.

Most of that text is written in an extremely militant fashion, totally focused in verse after verse on how everyone in this life who supports Islam will be rewarded by God for all eternity with every kind of pleasure imaginable, while those who refuse it will be cast into hellfire and suffer horribly, also for eternity. In other words, the message contained in that text resembles nothing more than a straightforward series of sermons very similar to the ones that can also be read in the Bible. Many of the chapters include extensive retelling of the stories about prophets like Noah and Moses, as well as several favorable comments about Jesus as one of the more recent prophets leading up to the most important monotheist prophet of them all, Mohammed himself.

From my cultural background, it also closely resembled the kind of preaching that used to be delivered in the American “Bible Belt” during the first half of the twentieth century. I immediately pictured Burt Lancaster starring as preacher “Elmer Gantry” in the 1960 American movie, which was based on the 1926 Sinclair Lewis novel with the same title. Lewis based his portrayal on several real preachers from that period, Gantry’s wife, for example, being based on the life of Aimee Semple McPherson (née Kennedy), an extremely popular preacher born in a rural town in Ontario, Canada, who became one of the most important founders of the Pentecostal movement in the USA. I also recalled reading the 1955 play, by Jerome Lawrence and Robert Edwin Lee, and seeing the 1960 movie adaptation, both called “Inherent the Wind”, about the famous 1925 “monkey trial” in Tennessee, in which modern evolutionary science clashed openly with “old-time religion”. The fundamentalist attorney in that trial, William Jennings Bryan, was vigorously supported at the time by such fellow-travelers as McPherson.

Fundamentalist Christian movements nowadays, as well as a hundred years ago, also resemble today’s fundamentalist Muslim movements, not only in their style of preaching, known in the USA as “fire and brimstone”, but also in their attempt to solve the practical problems of their flocks (believers only) by engaging in extensive charity and religious-based social-welfare programs. They make a feeble attempt at replacing the equally innocuous efforts of “sinful” organizations like national and regional governments in every country and every period of history (like the USA in McPherson’s time), that do not provide properly for the poor and the handicapped within their own populations. The popularity of such movements is therefore not just based on proselytism, it is also based on charity, similar to the approach previously adopted by the British-based Salvation Army that influenced McPherson in her younger years.

Another cultural reference that came to mind during my reading of the Koran was Harry McClintock’s 1916 poem, “Hymn of Hate”, that is often called the battle song of the anarcho-syndicalist Industrial Workers of the World. IWW organizers like McClintock particularly detested the “Starvation” Army and the other pro-capitalist Christian churches of the era, because like most of the other religious organizations in the world they fervently supported the most backward political regimes possible. The poem itself focused on the hate for capitalism generated by the killing of millions of ordinary workers because of the horrible working conditions, and the incredibly violent repression of strikes, imposed by millionaire investors back then. (Even though most industrial workers nowadays live in the former Third World, not much has changed since that time.)

At one point in McClintock’s poem, he added: “We hate your slave religion with submission for its creed.” Since the word “islam” itself means “submission”, a world traveler like him (Africa, China, the Philippines, etc.) would certainly have included Islam in his denunciation of ultra-reactionary religions. He also agreed with another famous IWW organizer, Joe Hill, who proclaimed in his 1911 song, “The Preacher and the Slave” (a parody on the Christian hymn, “In the Sweet By-and-By”), that the only thing that preachers could ever answer to grossly underpaid workers begging for food was “You’ll get pie in the sky when you die.”

To put it as succinctly as possible, the most outstanding characteristic of all religious ideologies is the huge contrast that always exists between what those movements preach and what they actually end up doing. In McPherson’s case, for example, the inherent pacifism of early Pentecostalism was rapidly replaced by all-out support for the American effort during the Second World War. The “Elmer Gantry” story also focused on how the ultra-conservative social principles of all the fundamentalist preachers are almost always contradicted by their own personal failings and subsequent falling from grace, once again as in Aimee McPherson’s case.

Nevertheless, secular preachers like the anarcho-syndicalist organizers did not always manage to avoid committing the same kind of hypocrisy as the religious ones did. Some of the IWW leaders who survived the First World War period of intense repression, such as William Z. Foster, went on to found the nascent communist parties in North America during the 1920s. Unfortunately, those Marxist-Leninist organizations soon became highly disciplined followers of the USSR, slavishly following Soviet policy through the constant zig-zags between ultra-totalitarian and slightly more liberal forms of “communism”. Many of them were also ardent misogynists, though perhaps not as often as the religious fundamentalists, whose outlook on women’s role in society was always ultra-conservative.

Moderate believers in any of these competing systems of belief, whether religious or secular, are sometimes like the doubting Thomas character in the New Testament, who realize at least part of the time that they are not in fact following the principles of their chosen path at all, before they are forced by tremendous social pressure to switch back to more orthodox ways of thinking. On the other hand, fundamentalist, or extremist, believers refuse to ever doubt anything at all, with the inevitable result that their own blasphemy, or treason toward their one true chosen belief, turns out to be even more pronounced than that of their more moderate brethren.

As I have often pointed out in my other writings, many fundamentalist forms of religion, whether Christian, Muslim, Hindu, Buddhist or whatever, regularly adopt laissez-faire (aka, neoliberal) ideology as well. Even though the basic principles of each of these religions seem to be in total contradiction with letting multibillionaires control everything that moves, most of the moderate as well as the fundamentalist factions within those religions end up imitating the neo-Calvinist, social-Darwinist movements of the nineteenth century, by inventing ideological “bridges” between the doctrines of each particular religion and those of private capitalism. For example, the Muslim refusal to accept usury, defined as charging interest when lending money, has been overcome by various ingenious subterfuges, even for organizations as theoretically fundamentalist as Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State. The current government of India is also led by a political party combining both so-called Hindu nationalism and a neoliberal approach to economic policy and foreign investment.

Every kind of religious fundamentalism has also succeeded in surmounting religious principles condemning gratuitous violence against innocent bystanders, and “justifying” terrorism instead. Ultra-Christian opponents of planned parenthood, for example, regularly terrorize patients and staff members in abortion clinics, occasionally murdering  abortion doctors. Ultra-Islamic movements, often funded by Muslim billionaires, have also carried out much more murderous, and extremely well-publicized, terrorist attacks against presumed unbelievers and apostates in all the majority-Muslim countries, as well as in every country possessing significant Muslim minorities.

Once again, however, quantitative comparisons also have to be made in this case, since most of the very numerous Muslim victims were killed by state-sponsored terrorism, carried out by nominally Muslim governments or by Western military interventions. Even the United Nations economic boycott of Saddam Hussein’s Iraq, between 1991 and 2003, resulted in the deaths of several hundred thousand ordinary citizens, most of them Muslim. Today’s enormous refugee crisis in western Asia and northern Africa, spilling over into most parts of Europe, also involves mostly Muslim victims fleeing from both “private” and “public” forms of terrorism. Many majority-Muslim countries, even more than some of the more conservative European countries, are also making the plight of the millions of refugees much worse, by refusing to take in more than a handful of those unfortunate refugees.

Rival groups of self-defined, radical Christians, Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, etc., also regularly attack each other militarily all the time, the most extreme groups within each religion also managing to find good reasons to wage war on each other as well. From their point of view, it is impossible to go too far in becoming a “good” religious fanatic; there does not seem to be any limit to how fantastically crazy those different kinds of true believers can become.

All the religious ideologies in the world are divided up into rival factions in the same way that the Marxist-Leninist organizations were always fighting among themselves in the twentieth century, each fraction of the whole always claiming to represent the one, true version of each separate system of belief. All the other secular ideologies (such as racism, nationalism, imperialism, liberalism, conservatism, fascism, social-democracy, etc.), are also divided up in similar ways. Every particular point of view in the world always splits up into dozens of little splinters or tendencies that fight each other all the time over ideological purity and hegemony, sometimes with words, sometimes with poison, or with guns, or even occasionally with weapons of mass destruction.

So, as Nikolay Chernyshevsky might have put it, what is to be done about all this? If the true believers in all these extremely popular kinds of belief are constantly fighting with each other about which is the one true belief system of all time, and are constantly falling off the wagon morally speaking as well, how do we get people to use the rational part of their brains more often, instead, and to gradually abandon all those manufactured beliefs?

Unfortunately, the simple answer is that human beings do not seem very willing to do that. The world seems to be going in exactly the opposite direction at the moment. True, modern science, aimed at honestly investigating the characteristics of the real world rather than inventing simplistic alternatives, has existed for several centuries now. In recent times, teams of scientists all over the world have learned how to use highly methodological observation and experiment, repeated hundreds of times over and over, to investigate reality. Then they spend the rest of their time debating with each other in innumerable conferences and written controversies, to make sure that everyone’s contribution is really out in the open and on the level.

These impressive collections of hundreds of thousands of scientists, in every imaginable field, are the closest thing that human beings have ever developed in order to approximate the truly neutral, non-partisan attitude that monotheists like to attribute to their fictional God. Philosopher Karl Popper’s suggested test for demonstrating conformity to problems based on the scientific method, the possibility of falsification, is also based on forever accepting the absence of absolute perfection in human endeavor. Science, in other words, is the only rational alternative to necessarily heteronomous ideology.

Nevertheless, science does not currently seem to be attracting ever larger numbers of admirers toward using critical thinking more often, at least not since the onslaught of neoliberalism. Perhaps one of the reasons for that has to do with what Thomas Kuhn pointed out originally in his 1962 thesis on scientific revolutions, that even people totally dedicated to science will fight tooth and nail against any scientific advancement that threatens their own sacrosanct careers. Popular identification with science is also regularly challenged whenever journalists manage to expose collusion between some corrupt scientists, and the big governments and big corporations that employ most of them. Proven examples of fudged results do not help much, to say the least.

And as I pointed out earlier, some of the sciences focused on human activity rather than on investigating physical reality, such as mainstream economics, are even more corrupt simply because they deliberately refuse to be politically neutral. My own discipline, history, is also dominated by practitioners focusing much more often on propagandistic heritage than on ideologically neutral, scientifically justified, versions of history.

Most people are also extremely uncomfortable with the uncertainty of scientific investigation, particularly since probability theory replaced positivist science during the first decades of the twentieth century. The kind of immense universe depicted by recent scientific discoveries, in which human beings have lost their previously presumed position at the center of creation, do not appeal to people’s favorite ego projections at all. For egotistical reasons, hundreds of millions of people much prefer believing in a world that revolves around them, their entirely illusory “spiritual needs” taking precedence over philosophical rationalism (based on hylozoic monism).

The constant revival of old-time religious ideologies, of every possible denomination, often funded by manipulative billionaires from every possible country, makes the advent of rational thinking on a massive scale, even more difficult. So does the constant revival of all sorts of prejudiced secular ideologies, especially neoliberalism (laissez-faire) but also including racist forms of nationalism and the current rise of neofascism all over the world. By far the most popular system of belief nowadays, neoliberal laissez-faire, has been particularly reinforced by the recent capitulation of most of the world’s formerly interventionist governments. Most of the relatively recent examples of ideological treason (aka betrayal or blasphemy), come from all those established religions and secular ideologies that have decided to support the privatization of all levels of government, rather than to continue supporting public solutions for public problems, like some of them used to do in the past.

Under the influence of big business, millions of ordinary people all over the world are now supporting the very billionaires that many of them used to rail against. The best recent example comes from Donald Trump’s campaign to win the Republican nomination for president of the USA. Apparently, many of his supporters believe that he is the most honest politician in the USA because he spends his own billions on his campaign, rather than spend funds coming from occult sources such as political action committees. As if political corruption could be eliminated by getting every ignorant, ultraconservative billionaire to corrupt himself straight out by becoming his own favorite candidate, rather than let someone else do it!

This has got to be one of the stupidest observations every made since time began. With people like that in every country prostrating themselves in front of such obvious demagogues (another example: France’s Marine Le Pen), is it any wonder that rationalism is retreating rather than continuing to advance? Do Trump’s supporters genuinely believe that he could have become a billionaire, more than once, without exploiting underpaid workers in his hotels and other properties? Do they not realize that most of those workers come from the same illegal immigrant populations that their “independent” candidate pretends to so thoroughly despise?

In the final analysis, I doubt very much that there is much hope these days for any revival of popular interest in rationality and scientific methods of thinking. This is one of the reasons why I also have to reject the opinions expressed by Francis Dupuis-Déri and Thomas Déri in a book on anarchism that I also read during the past few weeks, “L’anarchie expliquée à mon père”. This little book gives dozens of examples of anarchist movements that have existed over the years all over the world, even though the authors curiously leave out any mention of anarchist influence within the Canadian New Left, including inside their own home city, Montreal. Their best contribution to political analysis was in explaining how elected representatives in “democratic” countries always manage to betray their ordinary constituents and to obey the occult instructions of their ultra-rich masters instead.

But I cannot for the life of me figure out how anyone who knows anything about politics, past or present, could possibly agree with their utterly naive belief in a future anarchist world. Following some combination of Earth-shaking events, they want everyone to believe that the local anarchist councils that would presumably be set up in every little community, belonging to enormous globe-spanning federations of such councils, would always remain faithful to the wishes of their local supporters and forever resist every attempt on the part of those same federations to corrupt them! Just like all the other preachers in all the other systems of belief, they use critical thinking and the reality principle when criticizing what everyone else proposes to do, but forget all about rational methods when describing their own proposals.

If eternal vigilance really is the price of liberty, then surely eternal skepticism is the price of rationality. Which is why everyone also ought to refuse the arguments of all those pundits who claim that no one has the right to criticize anyone else’s point of view in a given situation, without coming up with a plausible solution. But there are literally thousands of particular problems in which none of the current participants will ever accept any solution that does not provide them with total victory, the famous two-state “solution” to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict being the most obvious. In fact, even in ordinary life everyone knows at least a few egotistical monsters who will never accept any reasonable solution, to any situation, that does not feed into their overwhelming desire to always control everything that moves.

So the inevitable pattern of religious or ideological ego-projection is always the same. First, in the interests of what is called social harmony, the preachers from some belief system or another call for what in reality amounts to identification with the aggressor. Then, social laws of correct behavior, such as the current hypocritical campaigns against rape culture on many university campuses, are set up to make people feel safe (without anyone actually becoming safe). Then all those social laws are regularly broken by all those individualist sociopaths who never believe in society as an entity, but only as a collection of individuals divided into winners like them and losers (everyone else).

Then the prevailing belief system in any given case uses the argument of social harmony again to get all the victims back onside, so that they can be successfully exploited, and mistreated, once again. Then the social boundaries are fixed once again, perhaps slightly differently from the time before. Then the egotistical monsters break all the rules again, then their friends in the belief system get everyone onside again (“peace in our time”), and so it goes on and on forever, ad infinitum, ad nauseam.


Monday, June 22, 2015

The Demise of Democratic Capitalism

I had the good fortune recently to follow up on a Montreal newspaper article that made reference to Wolfgang Streeck’s book, Buying Time: The Delayed Crisis of Democratic Capitalism (London: Verso, 2014), which is also available in the original German (2013) and in the 2014 French version (Gallimard) that I bought. It turned out to be one of the best political economy books I ever read, and inspired me to also read a couple of Streeck’s recent contributions to the New Left Review, “The Crises of Democratic Capitalism” from 2011 (a sort of preview of his later work) and his 2014 article, “How Will Capitalism End?”. Not to mention several reviews of his book, that I found on the Internet, as well as a short description of his European Union controversy with Jurgen Habermas, to which he also referred in the “Postface” of his book.

Streeck is an economic sociologist from the neo-Marxist Frankfurt School of political economy, which for him means that it is completely impossible to comprehend anything about the economy as long as it is understood from the orthodox, “homo economicus” perspective, as a discipline entirely separate from sociology or political science. For Streeck, anyone who attempts to analyze economic activity in this way, as the product of rational self-interest in an a-historical vacuum, independent of the evolution of the conflict between opposing political and social forces, is incapable of arriving at any conclusions that are applicable to the real world. The only results that the so-called classical and neoclassical economists can develop are variations on their own subjectivist utopia.

Streeck’s analysis of the evolution of modern capitalism, particularly in the Western world and Japan, begins with what he calls the “democratic capitalism” that developed during the “thirty glorious years” (1945-1975) after the Great Depression and the Second World War. During that very peculiar period, also corresponding to the hottest part of the Cold War, two normally incompatible phenomena, capitalism and democracy, succeeded in coexisting for a short time. That is when industrial capitalism and the Keynesian welfare state managed to purchase social peace, in a small portion of the world, by promising, and largely delivering, higher incomes to working people as well as higher profits to major investors. 

This highly unstable coalition of social forces, however, began breaking down during the inflation crisis of the 1970s. By the end of that decade, the capitalist world’s most important investors, along with their political and intellectual allies, decided that they had had enough of tolerating the statist Keynesian strategy and switched to ultra-individualist, Hayekian neoliberalism instead. Thus began the entire neoliberal onslaught that has gathered momentum over the past four decades, a largely successful return to nineteenth-century, social Darwinist, laissez-faire and “the iron law of (very low) wages” combining such policies as free trade, financial deregulation and the wholesale export of industrial jobs from the “first world” (North America, Western Europe and Japan) to selected parts of the previously underdeveloped, “third world”.

But instead of the promised results of continuing prosperity for everyone, the revival of Gilded Age vulture capitalism has only caused the return of an enormous income gap between the social classes, as well as the 2008 financial crisis and the never-ending stagnation that still plagues the entire world economy nowadays. In the meantime, the nominally communist “second world” of the USSR and its Eastern Europe satellites gradually imploded, leaving behind only a de-industrialized, raw material exporting Russian Federation whose economic profile nowadays is closer to that of the still underdeveloped part of the old third world, rather than the newly industrialized section.

Following Friedrich von Hayek’s prescriptions for an end to “serfdom” (Hayek’s word for democratic state intervention into a “pure” economy), that was largely ignored when first proclaimed back in an article written in 1939 and a book published in 1944, the neoliberal counter-revolution finally got under way during the inflation crisis of the 1970s. Declining rates of growth had made it impossible to satisfy the demands of financiers to maintain high rates of profit while simultaneously lowering taxes on rich people’s incomes, without ignoring the demands of workers to maintain both high rates of employment and continuous salary increases. (Streeck does not blame first-world inflation on OPEC’s massive increase in exported petroleum prices in 1973, as do most other observers, nor does he mention the possible inflationary effect of many large industrial firms in Great Britain and the USA refusing to sufficiently depreciate investments rendered technologically obsolete by industrial innovation in competing countries, such as Germany and Japan.)

Since inflation negatively affected investor income much more than it did worker income, at least for those workers initially protected by strong trade unions, the investor class came up with the monetarist strategy for doing away with inflation altogether. Beginning in 1979 and continuing until 1989, high prices and high wages were completely eliminated by a massive, fourfold  increase in central-bank interest rates, and much stronger state-supported repression of industrial strikes. The monetarist juggernaut resulted in an unprecedented debt crisis, affecting every person or institution that had borrowed any money beforehand, but particularly affecting all levels of government. Massive levels of unemployment were then substituted for the higher prices of the previous decade, with the wholesale transfer of no longer protected industrial jobs from high-wage nations to low-wage nations.

Just to make sure that the over-generous governments of the 1945-1975 period would soon be obliged by their enormous debt load to stop supporting ordinary peoples’ welfare, the increasingly powerful neoliberal movement managed to convince all first world governments, no matter what their official political profile (liberal, conservative, ex-socialist, former communist, etc.) to acquiesce to their demands for much lower taxes on rich people’s incomes. Those unprecedented “fiscal expenditures”, accompanied by a world-wide epidemic of often illegal tax evasion, then led to an unending series of government cut-backs in every spending envelope that did not directly benefit large financiers. To be sure, tax cuts for the rich were cynically billed by neoliberal politicians as an attempt to entice investors to provide more jobs for the unemployed, but the main effect of that electoral ploy was to greatly inflate the overall number of broken electoral promises.

According to Streeck, this entire process has now changed the former first world into an international consolidation, or austerity, state in which all ordinary people (the Staatsvolk, or general citizenry) have had to forego any democratic influence on government whatsoever. By gradually eliminating all internal opposition to its policies, the austerity state has been using ordinary citizens’ money to bail out the world’s leading financiers (the Marktvolk, or people who control the market) whenever they get into trouble, most especially during the 2008 financial crisis and its ongoing sequel. The reference to “buying time” in the title of Streeck’s book is that first the inflation crisis, then the debt crisis and finally the austerity state were the three consecutive strategies that the Marktvolk concocted to so far postpone the arrival of another great depression, or something very similar.

Streeck’s extremely detailed analysis of this entire process includes dozens of examples of strategic political maneuvers in favor of austerity from the USA and Japan, but particularly focuses on political-economic events occurring inside the European Union, and even more especially inside the somewhat smaller euro zone. He also compiled a long series of charts and graphs outlining the evolution of the most important economic indicators from most of those countries (including Canada and Australia), over the past several decades, to buttress his argument.

Streeck demonstrates how in every single country involved, as well as at the international level, in each of the several hundred extremely vicious economic policy conflicts between social justice and market justice that have broken out since 1975, the market people have always won. In every case, every first world government and every international institution involved has been obliged to protect the profits of “the market” (i.e., leading financiers) from the social demands of ordinary citizens (as consumers, taxpayers, union members, unemployed workers, welfare recipients, pensioners, etc.).

Directly or indirectly, every single government program favoring the vast majority of the population has had its former budget cut way back in order to bail out the first world’s most important bankers and industrialists. In the most recent example, the Greek crisis, none of the Greek governments have been allowed to use any previously-existing economic nationalist methods for solving such crises, such as protectionism, monetary devaluation, capital controls or surtaxes on millionaires. None of the rich people, inside Greece or outside Greece, who caused the crisis in the first place, must be allowed to suffer, only ordinary Greeks must be forced to pay, over and over again, in order to clean up the entire neoliberal mess.

In other words, the enormous gap that now exists between income levels in the Western world and Japan, quite similar to the one that used to exist during the first and second industrial revolutions (1780-1880 and 1880-1930), was brought about by internationally organized political action in order to eliminate the slight narrowing of that same gap that had occurred during the Keynesian interregnum, the so-called “thirty glorious years”. Neither the temporary, revisionist Keynesian strategy nor the more orthodox Hayekian one just happened as a result of ordinary economic activity, they were (as always) organized by social and political forces operating simultaneously both inside and outside the strictly economic sphere. With the onset of the Hayekian counter-revolution, the world’s leading nominal democracies have been obliged to abandon the democratic capitalist strategy of the previous period and to return to a rigid straitjacket of “market” (private-capitalist) control over everything that moves, similar to the gold standard society that existed prior to the Great Depression of the 1930s.

Nowadays, however, in spite of market forces in every state having politically defeated every possible kind of internal opposition from the trade unions and political parties that used to oppose their will during the previous period, the first world’s most important bankers, merchants and industrialists have not been able to find their way out of their own self-inflicted investment quagmires. Since 1975, in spite of repeated victories over all their social enemies, they have become increasingly incapable to get what they consider to be a decent return from their capital. Instead, they have been suffering once again from what Marxists call the inherent tendency for the rate of profit to fall (a concept initially developed by David Ricardo), as a particular market, or combination of markets, becomes saturated by intense competition over time.

Since the 2008 world financial crisis in particular, each of the most important private financial institutions has been sitting on an enormous pile of accumulated capital, unwilling to invest most of it, either for fear of not realizing a sufficient rate of profit, or for fear of letting some rival vulture capitalist capture it instead. As Streeck pointed out in his New Left Review article on the end of capitalism, it is as if all those investors need to live in a world of adversity and opposition to their system, like the one that existed during the period of democratic capitalism and the hottest part of the Cold War, in order to provide the aggregate demand necessary to maintain high rates of profit.

Having won total hegemony over all opposing forces, and having succeeded in commodifying labor, nature and money all over the world, much more than ever before, capitalism is left with no external sources of profit to exploit. As a result, even though no one nowadays seems to have any idea of what might replace the capitalist system, it seems that in the absence of growth, there can be no real increases in the rate of profit, and without constant increases in profit, there can be no private capitalism.

Personally, I do not know of anyone else who has done such a superbly good job of explaining exactly what has been happening to first-world economic development since 1945, and I highly recommend having everyone read Streeck’s extremely well-constructed book and his equally intriguing articles. But I would also like to add a few personal observations, none of which take away from anything that Streeck has accomplished.

(1) In the first place, I think that Streeck’s “democratic capitalism” bears a fascinating resemblance to US communist leader Earl K. Browder’s revisionist approach to American politics during the second phase (1941-1945) of the Second World War. At that time, the Roosevelt government was much more inclined to move toward real democracy than at any other time in US history, then or since. Influenced by the recent experience of the Great Depression, by the rise of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) and by the war-time alliance with the USSR against fascism, the US government thought for awhile that capitalism could not be saved unless it made a number of very unusual concessions toward working people and the welfare state.

That was when Browder started pushing his idea that “communism is twentieth-century Americanism”, an anti-Marxist, ultra-revisionist point of view that reflected his view that capitalism and democracy had become really compatible after all because the state was finally willing to adopt a middle position between the social classes. In reality, his vision had no chance of surviving because it was not only unacceptable to most American millionaires and their political allies, as everyone found out later on, but just as unacceptable to Stalin and the totalitarian, state-capitalist government of the USSR, where “communism” was only meant to be a useful propaganda slogan. Nevertheless, Browder’s idea does seem to have been a rather obsessive interpretation of some of the concessions to the “inferior classes” that the democratic capitalism that Streeck writes about often practiced, not only during the war, but also during the thirty years after 1945.

But even though Streeck’s interpretation of events between 1945 and 1975 was not as stridently revisionist as Browder’s vision, I still think that the concept of “democratic capitalism” has to be understood within its historical context. The kind of Keynesian capitalism being practiced in the first world during that time had as much to do with meeting the communist (state-capitalist) threat as it did with internal relations between the social classes inside the capitalist states. It was also the same period in which most of those governments rallied around the USA to practice an extremely repressive,  neocolonialist strategy not only against world communism (the Berlin crises, the Korean War, the Cuban crisis, the Vietnam war) but also against the entire third world (most of Asia, Africa and Latin America), with a few notable exceptions (Saudi Arabia).

Not to mention the fact that several Western countries, such as Spain, Portugal and Greece, had to put up with pro-fascist dictatorships during that same period, while other regions, such as Italy’s Mezzogiorno (as pointed out in Streeck’s book) and the province of Quebec (not referenced by Streeck), did not participate much in any such democratic capitalism, at least during the first half of that period.

In many ways, democratic capitalism only seemed truly democratic during those thirty exceptional years, in comparison with the much more reactionary attitude toward the “inferior classes” that had been adopted in most parts of the first world before the Great Depression, and the same attitude that has been revived once again with the onset of neoliberalism. Neoliberalism itself, after all, is called “neo-liberal” precisely because it is a return to the economic liberalism, and social Darwinism, that largely dominated the ideological landscape of the major capitalist countries during most of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

(2) My second comment about Streeck’s book is that he does not have much to say about economic nationalism as an important ideology in all the countries he mentions. This is in spite of the fact that he constantly references many of the instruments (protectionism, monetary devaluation, capital controls, etc.) that economic nationalists have always advocated using, since way back in the days of Friedrich List and his immediate successors, not only in Germany, but also in Great Britain (J. B. Byles), the USA (Henry C. Carey), Japan (Yukichi Fukuzawa), and a number of other countries, including Canada (Isaac Buchanan). Back in 1991, I completed a doctoral thesis on economic nationalism as an ideology in central Canada between 1846 (when the British Empire adopted free trade) and 1885 (when the government-subsidized Canadian Pacific Railroad was completed). As the Canadian example (and a large number of other examples) indicate, full-blown economic liberalism was not entirely hegemonic, even in the industrial-capitalist world, prior to the depression of the 1930s.

While reading Streeck’s book, and even when trying to take into account the enormous historical and geographical differences between his subject and my own, I was struck by the extent to which some of the points of view being expressed in the debates between economic nationalists and economic liberals during the nineteenth century resembled those being expressed in the debates between the Keynesians and the Hayekians a century later. Streeck’s analysis, however, has a much more class-based, sociological focus than most of what the economic nationalists had to say back then, although I was a bit surprised by a certain similarity between some of the categories Streeck uses (Staatsvolk versus Marktvolk) and some of those used a long time ago by Canada’s Isaac Buchanan, who thought that modern society was divided between “labor-power”, the power of producers, and “money-power”, the power of financiers.

(3) My third comment has to do with my own political activity in Quebec during the 1980s. In those days, I supported the sovereignty movement of the Parti Québécois against the Canadian federalism of the (federal and provincial) Liberal Party. In that monetarist period of history, I thought that the avowedly Canadian economic nationalism and anti-Americanism of federal liberal leader Pierre Trudeau was being considerably undermined by his kowtowing to the Bank of Canada’s support for the British and American monetarist assault on inflation. So I threw in my lot with the so-called Quebec separatists, thinking that they would be pushed toward economic independence from global neoliberalism by their own goal of Quebec semi-independence (Quebec sovereignty in economic association with Canada).

My hopes and expectations in that undertaking were initially rewarded when I read Quebec finance minister Jacques Parizeau’s 1981 budget speech, in which he thoroughly denounced the “docteurs Diafoirus de la politique monétaire” for their ill-advised attempt to eliminate inflation by quadrupling interest rates in the entire Western world. In other words, Parizeau was comparing the monetarists with quack medical doctors in seventeenth-century France (a reference to one of Molière’s plays), who killed off their patients rather than curing them by using totally inappropriate methods such as bowel purging and bloodletting.

Shortly thereafter, however, the enormous debt crisis brought on by the monetarist response to inflation resulted in a huge increase in provincial government debt. In 1982, Parizeau decided to cut salaries by 20% for the several hundred thousand provincial employees in Quebec, at least temporarily, in a bid to save money. Those were the same salaries that the PQ government had allowed to increase significantly back in 1979, when they were trying to get the same employees to support the unsuccessful 1980 Quebec referendum on sovereignty-association. Quebec sovereignists had been quite upset back then when some of the public-sector unions, under Marxist-Leninist influence, decided to take a neutral stand during the first referendum.

In 1982, Parizeau also put an end to the indexation for inflation of the same employees’ pension plans, a situation that lasted from 1982 to 1999 and still has a negative effect on payments to pensioners nowadays. He did not, however, put an end to any of the recently adopted provincial tax cuts to investors, such as his own Stock Savings Plan. In 1983, when the PQ government also adopted Bill 111, rendering illegal even official Quebec union protests against the unilateral wage and pension reduction, I decided that I had to give up my membership in the PQ. Their enthusiastic support for North American free trade also helped to dash my hopes for a more radical Quebec-nationalist response to monetarism, and to neoliberalism in general, than Trudeau’s Canadian-federalist response.

In 1986, I published a two-part history of economic nationalism in Quebec in a conservative magazine called “L’Analyste”, that I distributed at a conference on nationalism sponsored by the same magazine, attended by many Quebec politicians and business leaders, both federalist (such as finance minister Marc Lalonde) and sovereignist (such as business mogul Pierre-Karl Péladeau). But by that time, support for both economic nationalism and for social democracy, in Canada as well as in Quebec, were very much on the decline. It seems to me now, following Streeck’s analysis, that the events in which I was involved back then should really be considered as just a small part of the entire first world’s switch from the Keynesian post-war strategy to the neoliberal, Hayekian strategy that has been gradually imposed since 1975.

(4) My fourth comment has to do with Streeck’s occasional reference to scarce resources becoming increasingly scarcer under the tight-fisted rule of the Hayekian forces, and thus adding an ecological element to the danger of letting those forces control the entire world. Strictly speaking, talk about scarce resources is not scientifically accurate, since each new technology is always accompanied by its own particular natural resources. Petroleum, for example, was only a waste product when coal was king during the first industrial revolution, before the US market for kerosene was started up in 1859. Nowadays, all the fossil fuels would also become considerably less important to the world economy if anyone ever got around to discovering any really efficient substitute, such as how to peacefully produce nuclear fusion power, whose raw materials (hydrogen isotopes like deuterium and tritium) are not at all scarce in nature.

Unfortunately, today’s neoliberal governments, like the one currently ruling Canada, have included authoritarian control over government scientists as part of their desire to hide any information that any one of their numerous ecological enemies might want to use against them. As a result, it has become increasingly unlikely that any major new discoveries will get to see the light of day as quickly as they used to in the past. This means that Streeck’s occasional use of the term “scarce resources” is not a very important problem within his overall analysis, since all natural, and human, resources are indeed bound to become scarcer under the Hayekians’ increasingly obscurantist leadership.

(5) My final comment on Streeck’s analytical work has to do with his debate with leading German philosopher Jurgen Habermas about what people who are fundamentally opposed to neoliberalism ought to be doing nowadays to save whatever is left of democracy from the almost complete victory of financial totalitarianism. In the conclusion to his book, Streeck left the impression that so far as the European Union is concerned, the most realistic strategy would be for national governments to reassert their democratic independence from the supranational, unelected bodies such as the European Central Bank that have completely taken over that part of the world during the past several decades.

For that comment, he was lambasted by Habermas for advocating “small-state nostalgia”, as opposed to Habermas’s own desire to democratize the entire European Union, by imposing a much more developed, European-wide, social policy than the feeble attempts to do so that were already made in the past. In Streeck’s “postface” reply to Habermas, he acknowledged that the traditional nation-state may not be the most appropriate vehicle for opposing supranationalism, but emphasized his conviction that trying to democratize the entire European Union nowadays has become a completely utopian project, unrealizable in today’s political conjuncture.

Personally, I do not see any particular political force active today, capable of achieving any kind of genuinely democratic transformation of Europe, or any other part of the world. In North America, leading politicians such as Hillary Clinton in the USA (for the Democrats) and Justin Trudeau (Pierre-Elliott’s son) in Canada (for the Liberals), are supposedly engaged in electoral battles to save the middle class from complete destruction at the hands of the same kind of totalitarian neoliberalism that now controls most of Europe. But no independent observers really believe that such mainstream politicians are truly sincere about opposing the stranglehold of the very same financiers that their parties have always supported in the past, and who have always supported them in return. Even the imperial foreign policy of these theoretically centrist politicians does not seem terribly different from that of their right-wing counterparts.

To be sure, in domestic policy the Republican candidates in the USA are not even trying to save the middle class from anything, since they all firmly believe in the neoliberal fantasy according to which libertarianism is just a modern synonym for democracy. Which is just one more upside-down opinion that they share with the ultra-Hayekian Conservative Party that has governed Canada for the past nine years. Canada’s third force, the formerly socialist New Democratic Party, spends most of its time nowadays trying to reassure all business leaders, not just manufacturers, that they have nothing whatsoever to fear from them. For its part, the province of Quebec, in the aftermath of the 1995 second referendum defeat, has fallen under the almost complete control of a nominally liberal, pro-austerity government. Its main opposition comes from a weak remnant of the Parti Québécois under the leadership of Pierre-Karl Péladeau, whose recent endorsement of social democracy is a lot less convincing than his previous, union-busting career as a middle-sized financier.

No political activity going on anywhere else in the world seems any closer to advocating genuine democracy. China’s single-party dictatorship under corrupt billionaire control, practicing social neoliberalism inside the country and economic nationalism (flavored with militarism) towards the rest of the world, is light-years away from any of the democratic capitalism that Streeck talks about. India’s nominally democratic political system, inside a feudal society where 97% of the population has to depend on the informal economy in order to survive, is if anything even further away from resembling genuine popular sovereignty or social democracy. Russia’s dependence on raw material exports, its political authoritarianism and its militarist stance toward its former satellites, is hardly any better. Billionaire support for ultra-conservative Islamic barbarism in many Muslim countries, as well as among Muslim minorities in the West, is even less edifying. There is some resistance, such as in Bolivia, to neocolonial, neoliberal control of the non-industrialized part of the former third world, but it does not seem widespread enough to have any real influence on world-wide strategy.

At the moment, the only non-Hayekian ideologies that seem to be emerging all over the world are neofascist movements that have become popular again as a result of ordinary citizens having lost any of the democratic influence that they may once have had over neoliberal-billionaire control of everything political. Dozens of competing nationalist myths and fundamentalist religious fantasies are currently being used by ultra-conservative movements to create competing combinations and permutations of Christian, Islamic, Jewish, Hindu, Sikh, Buddhist, Confucian, Shintoist and pagan forms of fascism, all over the world, in an expanded version of the kinds of racially-oriented nationalist and religious revivals that plagued humanity during the nineteenth century and the first part of the twentieth century.

In a world such as this one, if the Hayekian ideology ever implodes like the nominally communist movement did, those ultra-right-wing, semi-feudal movements could very well end up dividing the world between them, in a series of dystopian, regional wars. At the same time, there does not seem to be any kind of universal political, economic and social alternative force on hand, ready to remove the neoliberal counter-revolutionaries from their positions of almost absolute power. The Hayekian true believers are completely and totally dedicated to their own misinterpretation of economic reality and seem entirely capable of bringing the entire world economy down with them, if pushed to the brink by their own obsessive, but unsuccessful, desire for ever higher rates of profit. Their constant victories over their political enemies, during the past several decades, have given them an extremely strong sense of totally irrational potency.

Like the ultra-Islamic movement, the neoliberal movement has been thoroughly radicalized by its own literal interpretations of the gospel according to Hayek and would probably try to induce economic, social and political chaos all over the world, rather than give up nearly totalitarian control over the countries and the “inferior” social classes that it now dominates. Although Wolfgang Streeck himself, who seems to be an extremely polite and cultivated person, apparently dislikes any kind of psychological categorizations in discussions of this kind, I think that the Hayekian millionaires and billionaires are supremely proud of being at least a hundred times, more often a thousand times and even more often a million times richer, than all the ordinary peons that they so thoroughly despise.

Even with the OECD and the IMF coming out with a whole series of recent studies showing that extreme social inequality is not good for economic growth, the richest Hayekians are too thoroughly ensconced in their positions of Olympian hegemony to voluntarily share their ill-gained wealth with anyone less important than one of their own. Showing that all the world’s leading capitalists will suffer along with everyone else if the world economy falls apart, will probably have no effect on their fortress mentality.

For them, the very expression “all the capitalists” makes no sense, because as their chief wizard Margaret Thatcher pointed out to them several decades ago, social classes do not exist, only large numbers of individuals exist. Each leading capitalist wants to dominate each other leading capitalist as much as he (or sometimes she) wants to dominate any other individual with an inferior annual income. The sadistic desire to dominate is, after all, the reason why those people got rich in the first place and why they want to get even richer in the future, whatever the consequences for themselves, as well as for everyone else.


The only hope for a brighter future would seem to come from some kind of transcontinental alliance between whatever is left of national sovereignty and social democracy everywhere, but that would be a very difficult task to accomplish in today’s world.

Thursday, April 23, 2015

The human rights industry

The concept of human rights in its modern form gradually came into existence during the English, American and French Revolutions of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. But the concept itself did not make much of an impact on international affairs until the twentieth century, particularly during the second phase (1941-1945) of the Second World War. Officially democratic countries like Great Britain and the USA, in an anti-fascist alliance with the officially communist USSR , claimed to be fighting the war for freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom from fear and freedom from want. Victorious in 1945, that alliance was then transformed into the United Nations Organization, which brought together many leading jurists to write the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted in 1948. Back then, the most important author of that document, Canada’s own John Humphrey, neatly summarized the main ideological thrust of what was to become the Western-dominated human rights industry with his focus on individual, as opposed to collective, rights.

Right off the bat, many non-Western countries objected to some of the fundamental rights outlined in that document. For example, many Muslim countries, such as Saudi Arabia, refused to comply with any rights that might conflict with Islamic sharia law, such as equality between men and women. Other Muslim countries, such as Pakistan, disagreed with that radical stance, at least back then. Over the past several decades, however, the Muslim community as a whole has never really resolved that dilemma, especially since the recent, world-wide revival of radical Islam.

The Western countries, led by the USA, were quite happy to promote such individual rights as freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and freedom of religion, as part of their Cold War propaganda against the official communist movement, then in the process of developing a world-wide, Eastern bloc of countries. The USSR and its allies promptly fell into the totalitarian, anti-democratic trap by pretending to agree with most of those individual rights but then cynically refusing to implement any of them in any real way. Back then, however, the not so democratic West also included South African apartheid (1948-1991), which is still an economic reality even nowadays. Not to mention the USA’s dismal record on civil rights for African-Americans, the fact that all the newer Western countries (Canada, the USA, Australia, New Zealand, etc.) have always discriminated against native peoples generally, and so on.

Up until the implosion of the various branches of the Marxist-Leninist movement during the 1980s, the officially-communist countries fought back against the Western emphasis on individual rights by focusing instead on collective rights. Their point of view was that the political rights in the individual sphere of human existence could not truly be separated from the collective rights that tended to dominate the economic, social and cultural spheres. Before disappearing, they managed to pass on that manner of interpreting human rights to their Third World allies in the anti-colonialist movement. Most of the new nations that became independent after Western colonialism was defeated adopted that point of view and changed the UN’s initial focus on individual rights.

As a result, in 1976, the UN adopted the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, a document that was signed, but not ratified, by the USA. It emphasized such things as labor rights, and the rights to social security, an adequate standard of living, health, and free education, as well as the right to participate in cultural life. From then on, the official United Nations Organization point of view was that the International Bill of Human Rights included not only the 1948 declaration and the 1976 covenant, but also an additional International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, dealing with such issues as slavery and the death penalty. In other words, the overall UNO officially decided that it would neither emphasize individual (civil and political) rights over collective (economic, social and cultural) rights, nor collective rights over individual rights, but would instead try to promote both equally.

What really happened, however, was that none of the world’s countries ever fully implemented any of those rights. Although some progress has been made over the past few decades towards many of those goals, in several different countries, human rights as a whole are still light-years away from being fully recognized nowadays. As I mentioned before, this is particularly obvious in the unusually large number of Muslim countries run by fundamentalist governments nowadays. The idea that theocratic religion should have total control over every possible aspect of life means that the very concept of human rights is seen as devil worship, not only among radical Muslims but also in every other ultra-reactionary religious formation. Still, this has not prevented true believers all over the world from cynically using freedom of religion as an ideological weapon in their competing crusades for world domination.

But the most important enemy of human rights in the twenty-first century is, paradoxically, neoliberalism. In theory, the libertarian, laissez-faire onslaught against state intervention in economic, social and cultural affairs should have become a major ally for human rights, at least in its original version as a leading aspect of Western individualism. Instead, neoliberal privatization, deregulation, globalization, speculation, shareholder autocracy, tax evasion, public-sector austerity and the war on the welfare state, have all helped to establish the largest income gap between the social classes that has ever existed, all over the world.

The number of people in extreme poverty, defined as living on less than two US dollars a day, may have declined in many different countries, but the enormous increase in the wealth of a few million ultra-rich people has made the entire world an even more unequal place than it was before neoliberalism began its propaganda onslaught during the 1980s. This is particularly true in the world’s most unequal countries such as Saudi Arabia, China, South Africa and the USA. Curiously enough, the world’s leading billionaires not only support the entire neoliberal agenda, they also simultaneously finance every kind of religious atavism as well.

Naive observers and sycophants often claim that the rise of the middle class in formerly Third World countries is leading toward greater equality instead. But one billion “extremely poor” people (living on less than 700 dollars US per year), three billion “poor” people (700 to 3000 dollars per year), and two billion not really “middle class” people (3000 to 30000 dollars per year), by Western standards only leaves one billion people with anything near a decent standard of living. And given the fact that the top 500 ultra-rich people control half of the world’s global income, the least that can be said is that social equality is regressing badly at the moment.

Neoliberal sycophants also refuse to admit that the rising income gap has any effect whatsoever on human rights, not only economic, social and cultural rights, but also political and individual rights. In reality, however, there is nothing like abject poverty to convince people to focus on economic and social survival rather than enjoy the luxury of complaining about their theoretically guaranteed rights. In most parts of the world nowadays, people who complain about their rights anyway are constantly being beaten over the head, thrown in jail and/or killed, quite similar to the way the working-class in the West was treated during the first and second industrial revolutions.

If people in the Western-based human rights industry were truly interested in achieving their official goal of gaining human rights for all, they would aim most of their propaganda at promoting at least a modicum of social equality. Instead, most of the non-governmental organizations inside the human rights movement spend most of their time trying to defend minority groups whose causes have become popular with the middle-class activists who belong to those organizations. By focusing on minority rights in particular, they leave everyone the impression that discrimination against minorities is a thing unto itself, that can only be overcome by patiently teaching the general public about the moral evils of prejudice.

Unfortunately, the human rights industry’s general focus on individualism allows  billionaires and other powerful people the opportunity to blame popular prejudice for recent backsliding on human rights issues. But the various different minorities are not just suffering from the disgusting behavior of evil ordinary people, they are also suffering from the same onslaught that afflicts the moderate (silent) majorities, namely the diversion of investment resources from social progress to social regression. Even women, half the entire human population, are often treated as just another minority group. Many organizations in the human rights industry allow freedom of religion to trump women’s rights, not to mention gay rights and the rights of those who want freedom from religion rather than freedom of religion.

By accepting the ideological straitjacket of thinking about human rights as being mainly involved with the treatment of minorities, the human rights industry tends to ignore the class or income divisions that affect everyone. This reduces its capacity to understand society as a whole and therefore to let the world’s most important decision makers get away with a divide and conquer strategy, pitting majorities against minorities and one kind of minority against another kind of minority.

A particularly poignant example of this kind of thing comes from the very unequal dispensation of justice in just about every country. Someone who was truly interested in human rights as a guiding principle of social governance would normally be expected to  ask himself (or herself) why hundreds of millions of people are now languishing in prison, not always for good reasons, whereas hundreds of millions of other people having committed the same crimes, or worse, have never even been arrested. Aside from the simple-minded rejoinder that the overworked police forces cannot be expected to arrest every single perpetrator, a more penetrating analysis would undoubtedly focus on why a much larger percentage of people in high places get away with their crimes than do more ordinary criminals.

Not to mention the fact that most ordinary criminals commit their crimes under orders from the world’s most important people, and that many police forces all over the world often participate in those crimes, rather than suppressing them. Why do human rights organizations so seldom focus their attention on criminality, not just from the standpoint of minorities proportionately ending up in prison far more often than (silent) majorities, but from the standpoint of massive corruption in high places? Isn’t the fact that very few of the world’s most important people end up in jail for crimes committed under their orders a major kind of human rights abuse? If an abuse is committed for reasons of social standing, isn’t that just as important as an abuse committed because those in power are constantly taking advantage of minority populations?


Human rights are not some kind of special category of life that can be separated from everything else. All the rights that are respected, or ignored, are treated in one way or the other because of the very same social forces that make real democracy for everyone so difficult to put into practice. Nothing will ever be achieved on a permanent basis for human rights unless or until humanity figures out how to deal with today’s unprecedented levels of social inequality.

Thursday, March 26, 2015

The hubris of aggressive predators

The insufferable Dominique Strauss-Kahn used to be Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund (2007-2011), but has been in the news since that time mostly because of a series of trials brought on by his innumerable sexual escapades. As part of his defense against accusations of bullying and mistreatment of scores of prostitutes and girl-friends, he explained that his only crime was in fact to have a greater and more brutal sex-drive than most men.

This type of brazen eructation means that DSK is definitely one of those toxic personalities that I have been denouncing over the years. Like his nominal ancestor Genghis Khan, he belongs to a long list of sexual predators that have been nonchalantly ruining millions of other people’s lives since the beginning of recorded history. That list includes such well-known aggressors as Mao Ze-tung, Joseph Mobutu, JFK, Bill Clinton, Bill Cosby and thousands of others, all of whom have in common not only their insatiable appetites for sexual domination, but also their hubristic attempts to justify their behavior as just another innocent aspect of their obviously superior personalities. Some of the world’s most powerful women are (or were) also quite capable of behaving in this manner, but most of the well-known historical examples are men.

What makes people like these so important in human society is not so much the sexual aspect of their collective rottenness as their capacity to get away with whatever kind of predatory activity that they choose to adopt. Sexual predation, after all, is just one of the ways in which the world’s most aggressive people make their domineering presence known to their endless numbers of victims. Instead of sexual appetite, the thirst for power is probably the most well-recorded motivation for sadistic violence, the leaders of all the world’s most important empires, past and present, vying for first place on the Olympic podium of cadaver making.

Every culture and every religion known to mankind can be justly proud of its own leading contributors. In recent times as well as in ancient times, the world’s most powerful people have done their best to kill as many enemies as possible, collateral damage to millions of innocent bystanders greatly enhancing their competing claims to fame. Some of the more modern aggressors have only succeeded in amassing greater quantities of corpses for themselves than more ancient participants because of technological progress and the much larger human populations that have become more recently available for slaughter.

But sex and power are not the only recorded justifications for rotten behavior among our leading citizens. Historically, the search for wealth has always been invoked as just as important as any of the other competing sources of motivation. During the past several centuries, every major financial crisis can be traced back to the insatiable appetites of the world’s greediest investors. Corrupt politicians in every part of the world have all taken considerable pride in making sure that their favorite millionaires and billionaires could always pass on most of the negative side effects of their colossal greed to the unsuspecting, small-time stakeholders that they were only nominally supposed to be representing.

Since the beginning of the current century, this particular motivation for aggressive predation has taken on a new wrinkle. Nowadays, the world’s leading politicians are all engaged in a frenzied rush to become more competitive than those of any other jurisdiction, by providing the maximum number of additional tax breaks and subsidies to the world’s largest holders of capital, the same ones responsible for the sub-prime crises, the enormous bribes doled out to win important contracts, the illegal tax dodges and the undercover funding for terrorist groups. To be sure, the corrupt politicians always pretend that they only want to encourage big-time owners of capital to stop hoarding and invest their money instead, thus providing jobs for millions of unemployed people. Even if, in extreme cases, those jobs are just to act as cannon fodder in foreign wars.

However, the crisis of confidence among all the world’s most important vulture capitalists since 2008 has been so overwhelming that most of them are simply holding onto their ill-gotten gains and pocketing all the legal tax breaks, alongside the illegal ones. All over the world, every single austerity program aimed at controlling public expenditure has thereby been turned into a massive political gambit that seems to be deliberately aimed at further increasing the already colossal income gap between the social classes.

Instead of alleviating some of the most negative effects of casino capitalism on ordinary people, like some of them were supposed to have done in the past, elected and non-elected politicians nowadays are doing exactly the opposite. Their thoroughly misleading programs only serve to increase the enormous quantities of unused capital that none of the world’s leading vultures dare to invest in anything useful, less they too be ripped off by their even more bloodthirsty, fellow vultures. Instead of investing in environmentally sustainable economic development, today’s financial predators are just moving their money around from one ultra-speculative pile of cash to another, avoiding doing anything that might give anyone else an opportunity to deprive them of their hard-earned booty.

Unfortunately, not a great deal can be done to stop any of these different kinds of world-class predators (often the same people). If it were only the world’s VIPs acting like monsters something could presumably be done about overcoming this disease. But everyone who has ever been witness to playground or schoolyard bullying knows for a fact that each victimized child is pretty much on his or her own, long before the reluctant authorities bother themselves sufficiently to intervene. This pattern of official identification with the aggressor, that every human being is forced to witness over and over again, has continued throughout recorded time to be a major component of human social behavior.

What is different about the current, ultra-individualist period of history, however, is that a large number of extraordinarily dangerous excuses for acting like a spoiled brat or an egotistical maniac are being increasingly tolerated, even more than they were in previous periods. There are dozens of different examples to choose from nowadays.

Probably the most important example is environmental damage, in which the criminal activities of the world’s biggest polluters, most of them in the extractive industries, are being strongly supported by large numbers of small-time collaborators. Modern transportation is the most obvious arena in which millions of gas-guzzling, individualistic SUV owners merrily condone the doctored science of climate-change deniers, funded by the suppliers of the world’s most important fossil fuels. Not having to use public transit, and therefore not having to rub elbows with lesser forms of human life, provides the red-blooded, freedom-loving suburbanites with the kind of existential elbow-room that only methane and carbon dioxide emissions can safely provide.

Another fascinating example of popular support for billionaire nihilism is the rising tide of ultra-conservative religious fundamentalism. Although this seems at the outset to be an entirely different kind of phenomenon than those already mentioned, it turns out that most religious fundamentalists in this world also support laissez-faire libertarianism. Succeeding in life without seemingly getting any support from government social programs is very popular with Christian fundamentalists all over the Western world, most of whom purport to believe that “God helps those who help themselves”. Conservative parties in the West, like the Republicans in the USA, have been bringing together radical religion, radical individualism and militarized forms of patriotic propaganda for decades.

Curiously enough, however, libertarian sentiments in social policy are also very popular in places where Christianity as such is no longer being tolerated. The entire Muslim world, not only in Muslim majority countries of either the Sunni or the Shiite versions, but also among Muslim minorities inside Western countries, is currently embroiled in several alarming attempts at turning the moderate masses sharply toward the extreme right. Billionaire-funded organizations on the Sunni side include the very extreme Islamic State in western Asia, and its African branches in Libya and Nigeria, the slightly less extreme Muslim Brotherhood, and dozens of similar organizations elsewhere. While on the much smaller Shiite side, the Iranian theocracy is trying its best to capitalize on support from the Iraqi government, the Lebanese Hezbollah and similar movements in places like Yemen and Bahrein.

At the same time, inside the Muslim diaspora throughout the Western world, the same ultra-reactionary movements are trying to provoke as many radicalized immigrants and converts as possible to attack non-Muslim Western targets. Their goal seems to be not only paying back Western empires for recent military adventures in Muslim countries, but also to provoke Islamophobic reactions among ultra-right wing Christians and Jews.

The overall idea seems to be to turn Samuel Huntington’s twentieth-century fantasy about a world-wide clash of civilizations into a functioning scenario. India has recently re-elected a Hindu nationalist movement as well, similar to the Muslim Brotherhood and the Christian fundamentalists in also supporting laissez-faire libertarianism. Comparable movements are also active among various extreme Buddhist factions, notably in Burma (Myanmar), Thailand and Japan. Each major world religion seems to possess a large and growing neofascist component, billionaire-funded in every case and infecting every large-sized group of emigrants to other parts of the world.

What all these different groups of people have in common is their complete lack of a social conscience. Belonging to the human race does not seem to have any effect at all on today’s ultra-libertarians, who want their individual rights to be guaranteed, without accepting any responsibility whatsoever for the effects of their egoism on the society around them. This is true whether they are the world’s most important people (sexual predators, empire builders, vulture capitalists), or just very ordinary people (suburbanites and radicalized religious folk) who feel that since we are all living in the most individualistic period of human history, they too should be democratically permitted to get away with whatever it is that they feel like doing.

In many countries, politically-correct sycophants are using national and international charters of human rights as a convenient method of providing cover for radicalized extremists. Freedom of religion, for example, is being extensively misinterpreted to include neofascist behavior, particularly among Muslim reactionaries, from the relatively innocuous wearing of anti-feminist, cover-up, clothing all the way up to the killing of Western cartoonists. Those found guilty of drawing caricatures of Mohamed are said to have brought their deaths on themselves by provoking their murderers, much in the same way that women all over the world are said to have brought rape on themselves by wearing provocative clothing.

Religious-minded people in particular enjoy referring to charters of rights for the obvious reason that none of them seem to have included freedom from religion in their lists of rights. Unbelievers are probably the largest group of people in today’s world who do not enjoy any kind of human rights protection at all. Curiously enough, however, the same apologizers also try to provide political cover for religious and philosophical sects that do not believe in supporting modern medical science, even to the extent of refusing vaccination for their children. In other words, over-accommodating religious extremism could easily plunge humanity back into the kind of world we used to live in before penicillin was discovered.  


Now more than ever, human societies are afflicted with all different kinds of egotistical aggression. Libertarians with a great deal of money or power are doing their best to convince as many ordinary people as possible to rally round whichever populist flag they happen to be flying. The world’s VIP predators end up being considerably more dangerous than the less powerful ones, not just for their own direct crimes but also for their radicalizing effect on the world’s remaining moderate majorities. As a result, even though the number of cadavers has declined slightly since the collapse of the Iron Curtain, if current trends continue we should be getting back to higher numbers again very soon. It should not take too long before the combined efforts of the neoliberal mobsters, the billionaire-funded religious barbarians and the world’s other leading predators manage to catch up with their top-scoring predecessors from the Cold War period.